OJPCR: The Online Journal of
Peace and Conflict Resolution is a resource for students, teachers and
practitioners in fields relating to the reduction and elimination of
destructive conflict. It is a free, yet valuable, source of information to aid
anyone trying to work toward a less violent and more cooperative
Peacekeeping to Peacebuilding
Violence to Peace: Terrorism and Human Rights in Sri Lanka
Empowerment as the Missing Ingredient for a Resolution of the Israel/Palestine
Creating a More Peaceful Classroom Community by Assessing Student
Participation and Process
Democracy (Not Practice It): Explanations of Dyadic Democratic Intervention
the Colombia Peace Process Fail?
Reconciliation: The Road Not Taken in Namibia
Crisis Response Initiative: Its Workability as a Framework for Conflict
Prevention and Resolution
Culture, Gender, Power and Conflict in Melanie Thernstrom's
Halfway Heaven: Diary of a Harvard Murder
Perpetual Peace: A New Look at this Centuries-Old Quest
of Bloody Sunday
Jewish Group: Highlighting the Culture Problem in Nation-States
How Can I
Teach Peace When the Book Only Covers War?
Cooperation in Pluralistic Societies: An Analytic Mathematical
Publications of Interest
Conflict Resolution |
Ethnic Conflict | History | International Relations/Diplomacy |
Reconciliation | General
|The Doctrine of the
Counterstrike: The Possible Future of America and the World
András Borsányi. 2002.
Bona-L BT (Budapest, Hungary). 276
The Doctrine of the Counterstrike was originally published
in Hungary and is Borsányi's suggestion on how to address security
concerns in the 21st century. Borsányi sees American power based by the
three pillars: The first made up of Japan, South Korea and Taiwan; the second
the Middle East; and the third including most of Eastern Europe. He believes
this American force, backed by Western Europe, could be balanced by a new
"Eurasian Entente" made up of Russia, China, and Iran. He proposes that the
Eurasian Entente has the potential to challenge American dominance
economically, militarily, and socially.
Through a series of tactical moves,
the Eurasian Entente could cause great problems for the U.S. in what he calls
the "Eurasian brim," between the two blocs. Borsányi's solution to this
envisioned future is "The Doctrine of the Counterstrike," a rather ambitious
9-step plan to ensure the Eurasian Entente does not overtake American power and
cause a world war.
The plan entails some radical global playmaking. The
U.S. should reconstitute the Soviet Union (as a democracy), share the Balkans
with it while maintaining a neutral area in the Baltics, negotiate the
consolidation of Taiwan into China, deploy neo-Soviet troops in North Korea and
Vietnam, consolidate American hegemony in South Korea and Japan, resolve the
Israeli-Palestinian dispute "equitably," establish a zone of democracy around
Israel, and encourage a conflict between Iran and the newly formed "Gulf
Cooperation Council" with could include Iraq.
While a number of
commentators have proposed plans to guarantee peace and security in the 21st
Century, Borsányi's Doctrine of the Counterstrike is probably the most
ambitious. In the end, Borsányi himself notes that even though these
steps are necessary, he doesn't expect the U.S. to follow through.
Edited by Jovan Kurbalija and Hannah Slavik.
DiploProjects (Msida, Malta) 335 pp.
Diplomacy presents a selection of articles presented at the Second
International Conference on Knowledge and Diplomacy and the First International
Conference on Language and Diplomacy. All the articles examine the role of
aspects of language in diplomatic negotiation and interaction, but perhaps the
more unique relate to the use of the Internet in diplomatic communication. The
editors of the volume argue that the Internet has recentered texts in
diplomatic discourse, as more interaction is taking place in writing now.
Of special interest to OJPCR readers is Drazen Pehar's article on the use
of ambiguity in peace agreements. Pehar argues that ambiguities are allowed in
peace agreements by mediators who are limited by time and cannot resolve
substantial elements of the dispute. As a result, statements which can
simultaneously maintain two valid interpretations are used to mollify the
disputing parties. In the end, Pehar notes that there are both benefits and
detriments to this approach.
Peacemaking by Democracies: The Effect of
State Autonomy on the Post-World War Settlements
Norrin M. Ripsman.
University Park, Pennsylvania State University Press.
Ripsman examines the differences between foreign policy action in democracies
in this book. Specifically, he looked at the behavior of the US, Britain and
France to Germany after World War II.
In examining the postwar
negotiations, Ripsman concludes that the differences between the foreign policy
actions can be significant and that these are related to the extent to which
the executive is structurally autonomous. In the US and Britain, leaders were
better able to set aside public sentiment and pursue reconciliation, while in
France this was not the case. Also, weaker leaders are more likely to be
limited in their actions by public sentiment. However, this does not mean that
limited leaders were unable to negotiate effectively. In many instances,
Ripsman documents these limited leaders using their inability to counter
legislative or popular opposition to gain greater concessions from their
More work should be done examining the relationship
of government types to post-conflict policy formation, and Peacemaking by
Democracies provides a firm foundation for continued inquiry.