The establishment of the British Empire in India in 1757 and economic penetration of China by the Western Powers from 1839 fundamentally altered the traditional balance of power on the Asian continent. British policy towards Tibet was characterized by two conflicting imperatives which, throughout their rule in India, they sought to reconcile. From early on, the British rulers realized the importance of Tibet as a buffer between India and any other external power on the north, be it France, Russia or China. However, to support or even encourage a completely independent Tibet was to damage a much larger commercial interest in China. Thus, they sought to limit Chinese power in Tibet and encourage Tibetan autonomy. In short, the British Government recognized what they called Chinese “suzerainty” but not sovereignty in Lhasa. The British rulers were unsuccessful in establishing contact with Lhasa until 1904.]]>
In the last quarter of a century several groups, who were at one time or another engaged in terrorist activities, have made a step toward political legitimacy by competing in democratic or relatively open elections. Sinn Fein/Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) in Northern Ireland, Hamas in Palestine, al Fatah/al Aqsa Martyr Brigades in Palestine, the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and Jordan, the Batasuna/Basque Fatherland and Liberty (ETA) in Spain, and Hezbollah/Islamic Resistance in Lebanon are sometimes cited as examples. This is significant because according to Marina Ottaway of the Carnegie Endowment:]]>there is ample evidence that participation in an electoral process forces any party, regardless of ideology, to moderate its position if it wants to attract voters in large numbers.Assuming that Ottaway is correct, the decision by a terrorist group (who, by definition, represent extremist positions) to participate in the legitimate political processes can be transformative in terms of the group’s goals. Thus, it is very important to identify and study the factors which are conducive to or create not only an opportunity for a terrorist group to become a legitimate participant in a relatively open political process but also, over time, to become an active and engaged political participant.
Abstract: Since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 ‘immigration’ has once again become an important international topic and has been framed as a national security concern. In response to the attacks by 19 foreign terrorists and as a part of the ‘war on terrorism’, governments have responded with the introduction of tighter immigration controls and restrictions as part of their counter-terrorism offensive. It has become widely accepted by politicians to view ‘immigration’ as an important tool in the ‘war on terrorism’. They have articulated a link between immigration and international terrorism which has found its way into government policies. Are counter-terrorist measures involving anti-immigration policies a good or effective way of fighting international terrorism? This paper will critically examine the validity and usefulness of linking ‘terrorism’ with ‘immigration’ and attempts to briefly indicate possible explanations for the development of this link.]]>
Abstract: In Sierra Leone international transitional justice has been pursued via a two-pronged approach. On one, restorative prong, a Truth and Reconciliation Commission has attempted to provide an accurate historical record of the conflict, and to reconcile victims and perpetrators. On the other, retributive prong, an international tribunal is prosecuting individuals for war crimes and crimes against humanity. This strategy has been much debated, but largely at elite levels. Arguably, however, it is at the grassroots where the two institutions face their greatest challenge. To provide a bottom-up view, this article discusses the results of a popular opinion survey. The results show that overall understanding of the Commission and Court are poor and that, partly as a result, the two organs are perceived to have had limited success. In spite of this, most respondents continue to think that they are important to peace in Sierra Leone. Statistical, cultural, methodological, and qualitative interpretations of these findings are discussed. The results provide pointers to the prospects for transitional justice models of this type.]]>
Abstract: The war between the Philippine state and the Muslims in Southern Philippines has spanned three decades and has caused many lives. This is an ongoing local war on numerous fronts: Muslims vs. Catholic religions and cultures; a struggle for political autonomy and governance; and hostilities over ownership of land, sovereignty, and economic resources. The intensity of the trauma of the war on women is heightened because of the context of the war which includes severe poverty, inadequacies in education and health care, instability in government leadership, and graft and corruption in institutions. Women in Southern Philippines suffer the most because they are caught in the crossfire—they are physical and sexual targets of violence on either side of the war; they may be expected to sympathize with either camp but they do not have the power nor the weapon to fight; they carry most of the burden and the responsibility for their family to survive in destitute circumstances; and they constantly evacuate and are displaced from their families, towns, and livelihood. Ongoing and continued peace efforts, dialogues, livelihood projects and support through cooperatives are all part of the healing processes of the women caught in this conflict.]]>
Midways between Tel Aviv and Jerusalem in Israel-Palestine, around the hilly Latrun area, one can find the only Jewish-Arab village within the state of Israel. The place is called Neve Shalom/Wahat al-salam or in English, ‘Oasis of Peace’. The name may confuse visitors. It is a biblical quote used to signal an intention to try peacefully, as one of the residents explained. People who live here know it is not an ‘oasis’. The village has the West Bank border running literally through its alleys, yet it is under Israeli jurisdiction. Spiritually it may be different. It was set up in the early 1970s by Bruno Hussar, a Dominican monk of Jewish extraction born in Egypt who aimed to establish a place where Jews and Arabs could live together. Today, around 50 families, about half Jewish and half Palestinian Arabs with Israeli citizenship live there. You need Israeli citizenship, but as many Arabs in Israel do, you can also call yourself ‘Palestinian’. Hussar, the founder, a Mr. Hybrid par excellence, is buried in the village. This little fragile society is the only one of its kind in the Middle East, which also has a Jewish-Arab board, a bilingual school and an educational centre offering a range of conflict coping projects.]]>
There are a variety of ways that a clinical psychologist can write about a particular issue or subject matter. Perhaps the more traditional route involves some form of objectified research and analysis. As much as I might like to utilize such an approach, the actual implementation of this kind of format seems to elude me. So, I have given way to the more precarious mode of communication that is both personal and experiential.]]>Perhaps it should be noted from the outset that the core theme here is particularly devoted to the “conflictive flashpoints” in the Middle East, and the outside powers which have inextricably been drawn to the region as of late. Like so many Americans and citizens of many other countries in the world, the unfolding events in the aftermath of September 11, 2001 have captured my attention enormously, both from a professional and personal standpoint.
In the fall 2003, I had the privilege of participating in the U.S. Fulbright Scholar program. My grant took me to Tartu University in Tartu, Estonia. In this article, I wish to describe my experiences and offer my impressions of teaching overseas in the hopes of inspiring other educators to pursue opportunities teaching and learning peace and conflict abroad. It is particularly important that American educators experience other cultures and perspectives to ensure that their craft is relevant, accurate, and continues to maintain a worldview. This is critical in our field, which by its nature is current, ever changing, interdisciplinary, and cross-cultural. To only offer viewpoints that are U.S.-centric fails to incorporate the global perspectives that characterize not only our specialty, but all disciplines and fields today.]]>
reviewed by Chip Hauss
Events are forcing those of us who have been in the conflict resolution field a long time to reconsider what we do and why we do it. Some of those events are global in scope—the two wars the United States has initiated in the last three years, the continuing violence between Israel and the Palestinians, the ongoing carnage in Chechnya, and more. Some of the events are specific to us, most notably the Hewlett Foundation’s decision to end their funding of our work.]]>So, Bernard Mayer’s Beyond Neutrality could not have been published at a more opportune time. Mayer calls the book a loving critique of our work. Loving because he has been a practitioner for more than a quarter century. Critique because he thinks the field is at a crossroads at which we could either stagnate or make a huge leap forward in the quantity and quality of what we do.
"How beautiful upon the mountains are the feet of the messenger that announces peace!" (Bible - Isaiah 52) "He who walks with peace - walk with him!" (Koran)]]>Literature about peace has been written from the days of the Bible: prose and poems announcing peace, as with the Biblical and Koran messengers quoted above, writings celebrating peace that give us the inner feelings and immediate texture of what being at peace, or at war, actually is and means; and also powerful creative works describing, exposing and condemning the absurdity of war. These various aspects of the theme of peace in the various ethnic cultures, have through the ages been important stepping stones towards abating passions between conflicting parties, and conveying and creating an atmosphere conducive to peace.
The cultural climate of peace is crucial to the Middle East at this historic moment, after half a century of strife, when the conflicting parties are at last involved in a peace process that can bring stability and security to the region. The despairing feeling in Israel and in its neighboring Arab countries, that there was nobody to talk to on the other side, was alleviated when the Egyptian leader, the late President Anwar Sadat, made his historic move, and was received in Jerusalem with renewed hope and joy. The tragic letdown felt by the people of both sides, after the murders of the two peace leaders Anwar Sadat and Yitzhak Rabin, only strengthened the will of the people on both sides to end the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians.
OJPCR is only published on the Internet. As a result, we are able to keep production costs at a minimum and also provide a wide variety of formats and can be more creative than a standard print journal.
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